They can accuse me of betraying the party, (that) I want to hop to another party, but I am still in the party. If we had spent the last few years just thinking about whether Datuk Hisham is going to hop from the party or not, it would have just been a waste of time and it certainly will not help rebuild Umno back to the level we hope to.
– Datuk Seri Hishammuddin Tun Hussein
KHAIRY Jamaluddin’s presence at the recent Umno general assembly was more than a courtesy visit or an emotional reunion. It was a political signal, carefully choreographed, closely watched and rich with implications for a party still searching for relevance, cohesion and survival in a transformed Malaysian political landscape.
Two years after his dramatic expulsion, Khairy’s reappearance, complete with the blessing of party president Datuk Seri Ahmad Zahid Hamidi and the invitation of Umno Youth chief Datuk Dr Muhammad Akmal Saleh, suggests that the door he was once pushed out of is no longer firmly shut.
For Umno delegates and political observers alike, the perception and appearance mattered. Khairy, or KJ, as he is widely known, was not merely another former leader making a sentimental return. He was greeted warmly, if not thunderously, with chants of “Hidup Khairy!” and spontaneous applause whenever he spoke.
He was mobbed by members eager to shake his hand, an unmistakable reminder that despite electoral setbacks and internal purges, he still commands emotional capital within sections of the party grassroots.
Khairy himself did little to dampen speculation. Admitting that the experience stirred “a whole lot of emotions”, he spoke of “good things” to come, while carefully insisting that any next move would be taken “one step at a time”. Zahid, for his part, responded in the measured language of party procedure: any return would depend on a formal application. At the time of writing, no such application has been submitted. Yet in politics, symbolism often precedes paperwork.
To understand why Khairy’s impending return matters, one must revisit the circumstances of his fall. Expelled on Jan 27, 2023, ostensibly for breaching party discipline, he was among several senior figures including Tan Sri Noh Omar swept aside in what many perceived as a post-election purge following Umno’s worst performance in its history at the 2022 general election. Khairy’s crime, in the eyes of the leadership, was not merely disloyalty but audacity: he had openly questioned Zahid’s leadership and called for accountability after the electoral debacle.
Yet politics, as history shows, has a short memory when survival is at stake. Umno today is no longer the hegemonic force it once was. Reduced to 26 seats in the Dewan Rakyat, it leads a diminished Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition whose partners, MCA with two MPs, MIC and Parti Bersatu Rakyat Sabah with one each, barely register in national arithmetic. Against this backdrop, Zahid’s ambition to secure more than 30 seats in the next general election (GE16) appears less a boast than a bare minimum for political relevance.
This is where Khairy re-enters the equation. At 50, he represents a generational bridge Umno sorely lacks. As a former Umno Youth chief and health minister, he cultivated a reformist, policy-driven image that resonated with urban voters, professionals and younger Malays; demographics Umno has steadily lost to Pakatan Harapan and, more recently, to Perikatan Nasional. While his ministerial tenure was not without controversy, particularly during the Covid-19 pandemic, he emerged with his reputation largely intact, even earning grudging respect from critics.
Analysts are therefore right to argue that Khairy’s comeback is less about reconciliation and more about mutual survival. Associate Professor Syaza Shukri of the International Islamic University Malaysia captured this calculus succinctly when she observed that it is better for Umno to have Khairy within the party than outside it, where he could mount an independent challenge. For Khairy, too, Umno remains his most viable political home. He is, after all, an Umno man through and through. Ideologically, culturally and historically. Speculation about him joining PKR or any other party has always rung hollow.
His post-expulsion ventures, from the popular Keluar Sekejap podcast to brand ambassadorships, kept him visible but did not satisfy his evident political ambition. As geostrategist Prof Dr Azmi Hassan of the Nusantara Academy of Strategic Research bluntly noted, these pursuits were “not good enough” for someone with Khairy’s aspirations. In this sense, Umno needs Khairy’s appeal, but Khairy arguably needs Umno’s machinery even more.
Still, a return would not be without cost. Khairy would have to navigate a party now more firmly under Zahid’s control than it was two years ago. His earlier criticisms of the president, particularly after being fielded in the unwinnable Sungai Buloh seat against Pakatan Harapan in 2022, are not easily forgotten. Reintegration would require humility, restraint and a willingness to rebuild trust with grassroots leaders who may still view him with suspicion. As Azmi rightly cautioned, acceptance will not be automatic.
Yet Umno has precedent for political resurrection. Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad was expelled in the late 1960s, only to return, reclaim the party and eventually become prime minister, twice. History does not repeat itself neatly, but it does offer lessons: parties that shut out talent indefinitely do so at their own peril.
This logic extends beyond Khairy. Another name increasingly whispered in Umno circles is Datuk Seri Hishammuddin Hussein. The former vice-president and defence minister, suspended for six years for alleged disciplinary breaches, remains a respected figure among many Malaysians. At 65, he is hardly past his political prime. His technocratic image, calm demeanour and international experience contrast sharply with the factionalism that has plagued Umno in recent years.
A scenario in which both Khairy and Hishammuddin are welcomed back before GE16 is not implausible. Nor is it merely nostalgic. Together, they would symbolise an Umno attempting to balance experience with renewal, tradition with reform. More importantly, they could help restore confidence among Malay voters who still see Umno as the party that once uplifted them socially and economically, but who now question its moral authority and strategic direction.
The implications extend to the broader BN coalition. Reviving BN requires more than arithmetic; it demands credibility. MCA and MIC cannot be expected to deliver Chinese and Indian votes if Umno itself appears directionless. A revitalised Umno leadership, anchored by figures with cross-demographic appeal, could at least make BN competitive again, even if dominance remains a distant dream.
Ultimately, the question is not whether Khairy will return, but what his return would signify. If it is merely a tactical move to boost numbers without addressing structural flaws, namely patronage politics, leadership accountability and policy relevance, Umno’s decline will only be delayed, not reversed. If, however, his reintegration is part of a broader recalibration that embraces internal debate, generational transition and coalition rebuilding, then Umno may yet chart a path back from the brink.
For Khairy, the stakes are equally high. A successful comeback could position him once again as prime ministerial material in a future political cycle. Failure, on the other hand, would likely mark the end of his long flirtation with Umno reformism. Politics, as always, is unforgiving to those who misjudge timing.
What is clear is that Umno stands at a crossroads. The warm applause at the general assembly was not just for Khairy the individual, but for the possibility that the party might rediscover the courage to renew itself. Whether that possibility is realised will depend on choices made in the months ahead, by leaders who must decide whether survival is best served by closing ranks, or by opening doors once thought permanently shut.
The ball is in Umno’s court.
The views expressed here are those of the columnist and do not necessarily represent the views of Sarawak Tribune. The writer can be reached at rajlira@gmail.com
