It does not matter how slowly you go as long as you do not stop.
– Confucius
As Sarawak edges closer to its 13th state election, an old political script is once again making the rounds. It is a familiar narrative; one that claims the Dayak community remains marginalised economically, educationally and politically, and that decades of participation within Malaysia’s Bumiputera framework have somehow relegated them to “second-class status” in their own homeland.
The argument is not new. It resurfaces almost every election cycle, often wrapped in emotional rhetoric and selective interpretations of history. What is surprising, however, is that these claims continue to be advanced despite overwhelming evidence that Sarawak today is moving in precisely the opposite direction.
Constructive criticism should always be welcomed in a democracy. Governments are not infallible, and there is always room for improvement. But criticism must be grounded in facts, not political fables. When narratives are built on exaggeration, selective memory and deliberate omission of present realities, they cease to be constructive and become instruments of division.
The claim that the Bumiputera framework institutionalised Dayaks as second-class citizens ignores the political realities of Sarawak itself. Dayaks are not a powerless minority struggling to be heard. They are one of the foundational communities of Sarawak and remain central stakeholders in the state’s governance structure.
Today, Dayak leaders occupy senior positions throughout the government, Cabinet, statutory bodies, government-linked companies, local authorities and public institutions. Deputy Premiers, ministers, deputy ministers, assembly members, senior civil servants and heads of agencies include many distinguished Dayaks whose influence extends across every level of decision-making.
To portray the community as politically excluded is therefore difficult to reconcile with reality.
Some critics argue that the Bumiputera classification fractured natural alliances and weakened Sarawak’s unique identity. Yet the historical record reveals a more complex reality. Sarawak’s political stability was not built upon ethnic confrontation but upon cooperation among its diverse communities.
The success of the Gabungan Parti Sarawak (GPS) model rests precisely on this principle. It is a coalition that brings together Malays, Melanaus, Dayaks, Chinese and other communities under a common Sarawakian agenda. Rather than fragmenting society, it has arguably strengthened inter-ethnic cooperation and enabled Sarawak to speak with a stronger collective voice in its dealings with Putrajaya.
The accusation that federal hegemony created a system favouring Muslim Bumiputeras at the expense of non-Muslim Dayaks also fails to withstand scrutiny when examined against developments over the past decade.
If Dayaks were truly being systematically sidelined, how does one explain the unprecedented institutional support provided to non-Muslim faiths under the current administration?
The establishment of the Unit for Other Religions (UNIFOR) remains one of the most significant policy innovations in Malaysia’s history. It is a uniquely Sarawakian institution designed specifically to support non-Muslim religious bodies. Churches, temples, missionary schools and faith-based welfare organisations throughout Sarawak have benefited enormously from its allocations.
According to Deputy Premier Datuk Amar Douglas Uggah Embas, who oversees UNIFOR and chairs its charitable trust, approximately RM685 million has been allocated between 2017 and 2026 to support non-Muslim religious institutions across the state.
The overwhelming majority of Sarawak’s Christian population comprises Dayaks. The beneficiaries are therefore not abstract statistics but real communities spread across urban centres, small towns and remote longhouses. No other Malaysian state has institutionalised support for non-Muslim religions on this scale.
Far from being marginalised, Dayak religious and cultural identities are receiving unprecedented recognition and support.
The allegation that educational opportunities remain structurally unequal is equally difficult to sustain under current circumstances. Premier Datuk Patinggi Tan Sri Abang Johari Tun Openg’s introduction of free tertiary education at Sarawak-owned higher learning institutions is arguably one of the most transformative social policies ever introduced in the state.
Importantly, entry into these institutions is based on merit rather than quota, political affiliation, ethnicity or family background. This policy disproportionately benefits rural and interior communities, many of whom are Dayak. For generations, financial barriers prevented countless capable students from pursuing higher education. Today, those barriers are being systematically dismantled.
Beyond free tertiary education, the state government has introduced a range of financial assistance measures including scholarships, bursaries, digital device support, educational aid and pocket-money assistance. Many Dayak families who once struggled to send their children to universities in Malaya now receive direct support from the GPS government.
The objective is clear: to break the cycle of intergenerational poverty and expand access to professions such as engineering, medicine, law, finance, digital technology and advanced technical industries. This is not marginalisation. It is empowerment through policy.
Critics also point to Native Customary Rights (NCR) land and argue that it remains economically disadvantaged compared to mixed-zone properties. There is some legitimacy in discussing ways to unlock greater economic value from NCR land. This is a policy debate worth having. However, it is misleading to suggest that government efforts have been absent.
The state government has spent years pursuing NCR land surveys, perimeter surveys and land title issuance to provide greater legal certainty and protection for native landowners. While challenges remain, the objective has consistently been to strengthen ownership rights rather than diminish them.
Likewise, the claim that rural Dayaks remain isolated from modern development ignores the transformation occurring across Sarawak today. Bridges, roads, water supply systems, electricity coverage, telecommunications infrastructure and internet connectivity are reaching areas that were neglected for decades under the previous administrations.
The Batang Lupar 1 bridge, the Coastal Road Network, the Second Trunk Road and numerous rural transformation projects are not merely infrastructure projects. They are instruments of economic inclusion designed to connect rural communities to opportunities previously beyond reach.
No serious observer can deny that the pace of infrastructure development has accelerated significantly under Abang Johari’s administration. The government understands a simple reality: economic inclusion is impossible without connectivity. Critics who continue to speak of widespread rural neglect often rely on outdated assumptions that no longer reflect the changing landscape on the ground.
The accusation that Dayaks are being excluded from Sarawak’s emerging economy is equally detached from reality. Sarawak is positioning itself at the forefront of the hydrogen economy, renewable energy, digital transformation, advanced manufacturing, aerospace technology and high-value industries.
Increasingly, young Dayaks are participating in these sectors through technical and vocational education programmes, university pathways, entrepreneurship initiatives and employment opportunities created by the state’s evolving economy. Many are entering professions that barely existed a decade ago.
At the same time, Dayak participation in government-linked economic programmes, rural entrepreneurship initiatives and contractor development schemes continues to expand.
No system is perfect. Improvements can and should continue. But to portray Dayaks as systematically excluded from economic opportunities is simply inaccurate. Perhaps the most troubling aspect of these recurring narratives is not their factual weakness but their political intent.
Too often, racial grievances are recycled to generate anger and distrust ahead of elections. Historical frustrations are selectively revived while present achievements are conveniently ignored.
This strategy may generate social media attention, but it comes at a cost. It risks undermining racial harmony. It creates suspicion between communities. It weakens investor confidence. And it damages Sarawak’s reputation as one of the most stable and inclusive regions in Malaysia.
The suggestion that a new wave of ‘Dayakism’ has emerged as a reaction to institutionalised discrimination is similarly overstated. Dayak political consciousness has always existed and should exist. Every community has the right to advocate for its interests and preserve its cultural heritage. But political consciousness should not be confused with political victimhood.
The vast majority of Dayaks do not see themselves as helpless victims trapped in a system designed to oppress them. They see themselves as active participants in shaping Sarawak’s future. They vote, lead, govern, manage institutions, build businesses and contribute to every aspect of society. Their contribution is absolutely foundational, far from secondary.
Sarawak’s future will not be built through narratives of division. It will be built through the same formula that has served the state well for decades: moderation, inclusivity, stability and shared prosperity.
There is nothing wrong with advocating greater equity, better educational access, stronger rural incomes or faster infrastructure delivery. These are legitimate aspirations shared by all Sarawakians. What is wrong is advancing a narrative that portrays Sarawak as fundamentally unjust when the evidence increasingly points in the opposite direction.
The truth is that no Sarawak government in recent history has invested more heavily in rural transformation, educational empowerment, religious inclusivity and economic modernisation than the administration led by Abang Johari.
The Dayaks are not second-class citizens. They are not politically irrelevant. They are not being left behind. They are helping lead Sarawak’s transformation. And this is a fact that should not be obscured by recycled election-season rhetoric.
The views expressed here are those of the columnist and do not necessarily represent the views of Sarawak Tribune. The writer can be reached at rajlira@gmail.com
