The 14th General Election changed the country’s political landscape in unprecedented ways. For the first time in history, Barisan Nasional finds itself on the other side of Parliament, a reality that many of its members are still struggling to comprehend. Despite Pakatan Harapan having a tough time in fulfilling its election promises, BN has not been able to use the opportunity to restore its shattered image in the eyes of the people. Can the once indomitable political coalition rebuild itself? The Edge’s KHAIRIE HISYAM ALIMAN writes…
Datuk Patinggi Abang Johari Tun Openg
Popularly known as Abang Johari, the Chief Minister of Sarawak has had an eventful 2018 that could be split into two halves – before and after GE14.
A veteran politician whose father and father-in-law were former Yang di-Pertuas Negeri of Sarawak, Abang Johari led the governing coalition in the “fixed deposit” state of a weakened BN.
That allowed him to ride growing nationalism to shore up eroding support from Sarawakians, as did his immensely popular predecessor, Pehin Sri Adenan Satem.
Among others, Abang Johari’s state government directly questioned the legitimacy of the Petroleum Development Act 1974, which vests all oil and gas wealth nationwide with Petroliam Nasional Bhd (Petronas).
Sarawak also tapped an old legislation that empowers it to impose licensing requirements on all oil and gas activities in the state beginning July 1. Petronas challenged that in court but eventually withdrew.
However, the tables were turned with the change of government at the federal level. Overnight, Sarawak became a state ruled by a federal opposition coalition for the first time in its history.
The pressure is on – PH made unprecedented gains in GE14 in Sarawak and a state election is due by Sept 7, 2021.
That explains why the state BN was dissolved under Abang Johari’s watch and regrouped as Gabungan Parti Sarawak (GPS).
And the state is clearly in campaigning mode already. Sarawak barely got any increase in development allocation in the first PH budget for 2019 while Abang Johari splurged with a record-high state budget for 2019.
Datuk Seri Ahmad Zahid Hamidi
When the 1Malaysia Development Bhd scandal led to political purge in late July 2015, Zahid was made deputy prime minister and finally on path to the premiership remarkable, given that he was on the wrong side of the Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim ouster back in 1999.
But 2018 upended his political ambitions. Instead of inheriting the premiership mantle from a scandal-plagued boss, Zahid had to fight a tough party election in June to barely gain control of a fast-crumbling political empire.
It was far from an enviable role – Umno had just suffered its worst electoral outing and was abandoned by most of its BN allies.
But rather than adjusting to the new reality in the opposition bench amid clear voter rejection, Zahid was evidently manoeuvring to fast-track Umno’s return to federal power.
In late September, he announced that Umno is willing to form a unity government with any party within PH, seen as a play to take advantage of the uneasy alliances in PH.
He also brought Umno closer to PAS in a bid to shore up Malay-Muslim support. However, he could not unite a party in panic.
In December, Umno was hit with mass defections in Sabah-which added to earlier desertions – whittling down its parliamentary representation from 54 to 37.
And with himself facing 46 charges of criminal breach of trust, money laundering and graft involving RM114.15 million, Zahid eventually caved in to pressure from within his party, stepping aside as the president.
Khairy Jamaluddin
At one time, it seemed inevitable that the charismatic, well-educated son-in-law to a former prime minister and Umno president would himself end up a prime minister of Malaysia. However, in GE14, Khairy barely clung to his Rembau parliamentary seat with a much-reduced majority.
His party’s internal upheaval opened the way for Khairy – better known as KJ – to make his play for the vacated top post.
The bid surprised some, given the Umno culture of making way for the more senior leaders. KJ turned 42 in 2018.
And he positioned his run with an eye on the increasingly centrist political preferences of Malaysian voters, who clearly rejected Umno’s increasingly right-wing sentiment in recent years.
Among others, he publicly said in June that should he win the top post, he should not be given “absolute power” and wants criticism if he makes mistakes.
It is worth noting that KJ openly took ownership of how the 1MDB scandal became the final straw that caused BN to be rejected.
That marked a sharp divergence from the path taken by Zahid, who remained unapologetic and ultimately, won the presidential contest.
“Was there a signal? Yes, there were clear signals, but we became oblivious KJ was reported as saying, in what to was them, seen as a swipe at the old Umno guard.
He had also been among the few former ministers who graciously handed over their offices to new PH ministers.
After KJ lost the Umno presidential contest, speculation mounted on whether he would seek pastures new. Ultimately, he stayed with Umno.
However, with Zahid stepping aside and the deputy president taking over presidential duties in a much-divided party, the shifting sands may yet open a new path for KJ’s potential rise.
Datuk Seri Abdul Hadi Awang
Despite the GE14 tsunami, Hadi had a successful election. His party, PAS, stood apart from PH (the then federal opposition coalition and now governing coalition) and made significant gains.
PAS strengthened its grip on Kelantan in the election with an increased majority while retaking Terengganu from BN, a state that it lost in 2004 – up to which Hadi was coincidentally the menteri besar.
While 18 parliamentary seats captured may seem few, the disintegration of BN and implosion of Umno have made PAS the second largest opposition party in the Dewan Rakyat.
Amid a growing movement to steer Malaysia away from communal political narratives post-GE14, Hadi has kept PAS firmly on its ideological politics path and away from a conciliatory stance towards PH.
With Umno weakened by mass defections, Hadi has extended olive branches to the party, moving further to the right. He also openly told PAS members to stop attacking Umno.
Among others, he publicly highlighted the disparity between the country’s voting demographics and the composition of PH members of parliament, pointing out that a majority of PH MPs are non-Muslims.
In early December, Hadi was among the key opposition leaders present at a rally against the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, a United Nations convention that Putrajaya eventually did not ratify due to public pressure.
Even PH members have admitted that Hadi was the biggest winner from the rally – as the PAS president, he is now at the forefront of rising political Islamist sentiment among a majority group that had not fully supported PH in GE14.–The Edge
