Wednesday, 9 July 2025

State before party: Sabah’s path to true partnership

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LAST Sunday, Gabungan Rakyat Sabah (GRS) deputy secretary-general, Datuk Armizan Mohd Ali, made a significant political statement – one that could shape the discourse ahead of Sabah’s next state election.

He argued that the best formula for governing Sabah lies not in intra-party dynamics, but in strengthening inter-governmental relations.

Officiating at the opening of the GRS Garau division, Armizan emphasised that local parties should form the backbone of the state government, asserting that such an arrangement would better safeguard Sabah’s interests. He also clarified that Sabah’s participation in the federal Unity Government should not be viewed as a constraint on the state’s political autonomy.

“Firstly, the memorandum of understanding (MoU) for the formation of the Unity Government does not state that this cooperation must extend to the state level. After all, the state election is to choose the state government, not the federal government,” he reasoned.
 
Armizan’s remarks are timely, as Sabah approaches its next electoral cycle. The current term of the Sabah State Legislative Assembly (DUN) is set to expire automatically on November 11, 2025 – just one day shy of completing its full term.
 
However, political insiders suggest that the assembly may be dissolved earlier than anticipated, potentially clearing the way for an election as early as mid-September, or, at the latest, within 60 days of its dissolution.

While Armizan stopped short of explicitly naming Sarawak or Gabungan Parti Sarawak (GPS) as a model, his remarks conveyed an admiration for the political framework it represents. GPS – a coalition composed entirely of local-based parties – has effectively positioned itself as the guardian of Sarawak’s rights, development agenda, and negotiations with Putrajaya.

His comments emphasise a crucial yet often overlooked principle within Malaysia’s federal system: that federal-state relations should be grounded in mutual respect and structured institutional engagement – not driven by the internal dynamics of national political parties.

This approach is especially vital for Sarawak and Sabah, which were never intended to be mere states in the Malaysian Federation, in the first place. Under the Malaysia Agreement 1963 (MA63), both Sarawak and Sabah were to join Malaya as equal partners – each granted distinct autonomy over matters such as immigration, land, natural resources, religion, and language. However, over the decades, much of that autonomy has been gradually eroded, often through mechanisms embedded within national party politics.

In this context, Sabah’s existing political structure presents several disadvantages. Unlike Sarawak, which is governed by a locally anchored GPS coalition, Sabah’s administration remains entangled in a complex web of national and local party alliances. While GRS has made efforts to assert state rights, its linkages with federal parties expose it to shifting national political winds, undermining a coherent, state-first agenda.

Sabah’s leaders are consistently challenged to navigate the conflicting interests of their national party allies, leading to frequent compromises on crucial matters.
 
Allegiances to federal coalitions may dilute the state’s position on matters such as oil royalties, and the full implementation of MA63, among others.

Moreover, the political instability that has plagued Sabah in recent years – marked by frequent defections, shifting alliances, and leadership tussles – further weakens the state’s bargaining power.

Much of this volatility stems from a reliance on federal political legitimacy, diverting attention from long-term planning to short-term survival.

By contrast, Sarawak’s political stability under GPS has allowed it to consistently negotiate with the federal government from a position of strength. Sarawak speaks with a unified voice, rooted in local consensus, unburdened by peninsula-centric party agendas. This has enabled it to regain certain rights under MA63, take control of its own oil and gas regulatory regime, and even launch its sovereign wealth initiatives.

Armizan’s proposal – though presented as a personal view and not an official GRS position – for an inter-governmental framework is, in my view, not just timely but critically necessary.

For too long, Sabah’s political trajectory has been shaped by the shifting tides of federal party politics, often at the expense of the state’s priorities and identity.

An inter-governmental approach – grounded in strong, independent, and locally rooted political leadership – offers
Sabah has the structural leverage it needs to reassert its rights, demand fair treatment, and shape its development agenda on its terms.
 
It ensures that state affairs are negotiated on a government-to-government basis, as originally envisioned under the Malaysia Agreement 1963, rather than being filtered through the internal machinery of national political parties.

Sarawak has undergone a similar experience during its time under the Peninsular-based Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition.

Ideally, if Sabah is truly serious about reclaiming its rightful place as an equal partner in the federation, it must begin by forging political unity rooted in its soil. It needs to stop being dependent on alliances formed across the South China Sea.
 
After all, both Sabah and Sarawak were meant to be regions within Malaysia, not merely two of its thirteen states.

Sarawak has demonstrated that this path is not only possible but effective. By centring its governance around Sarawak-based parties and fostering a close rapport with Putrajaya, it has secured a stronger voice in federal negotiations and achieved meaningful progress in reclaiming its constitutional rights.

Perhaps it is now Sabah’s turn to act boldly, decisively, and with the long-term interests of its people in mind. Sabah must reassess its political model to stand truly alongside Peninsular Malaysia and Sarawak.
 
Only by establishing a government led by Sabah-based parties can the state genuinely reclaim its autonomy, safeguard its interests, and ensure that its future is shaped in Kota Kinabalu – not dictated by Putrajaya.

DISCLAIMER:

Aden Nagrace is the Editor-in-Chief of Sarawak Tribune. The views expressed here are the writer’s own and do not necessarily represent the views of Sarawak Tribune. The writer can be reached at drnagrace@gmail.com.

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