“Government employees’ salaries and benefits cost billions, and being good stewards of taxpayer money, states should reduce the size of government.”
– The Foundation for Government Accountability
THE report titled “UMNO rep becomes 18th assistant minister in Sabah govt”, published on a news portal on Monday caught my attention. So much so that it forms the focus of this column today.
I am not convinced that the newly reappointed Sabah Chief Minister, Datuk Seri Hajiji Noor, has made the right decision by appointing such a large number of assistant ministers – 18 in total.
Even more intriguing is his decision to include a Sabah UMNO state assemblyman among the latest appointees. This is puzzling, given that UMNO contested the recently concluded Sabah election as part of the opposition.
On Monday, UMNO’s Kunak assemblyman, Anil Sandhu, was sworn in as an assistant minister, taking his oath of office before the Governor, Tun Musa Aman.
Anil, a first-term assemblyman, is only the second Barisan Nasional representative to be appointed as an assistant minister in Hajiji Noor’s administration, assuming the youth development, sports and creative economy portfolio.
Granted, another UMNO assemblyman, Jafry Ariffin, had earlier been appointed Minister for Tourism, Culture and Environment.
Nevertheless, the pressing question remains: how many more assistant ministers from opposition parties will be appointed by Hajiji, and why does he continue to do so?
Besides UMNO, an assistant minister from Parti STAR was also appointed earlier this month.
Naturally, many are now asking: what exactly was Hajiji thinking?
Was this an attempt at political appeasement, a gesture towards so-called “inclusive governance”, or merely old-style power-sharing dressed up as pragmatism? It would not be far-fetched to assume it is a combination of both.
At a time when voters are demanding leaner government, clearer accountability and principled politics, the expansion of the executive – coupled with the co-opting of several opposition figures – risks being perceived as excessive and politically expedient.
If stability is the objective, it should not come at the expense of public confidence. Sabahans deserve a clear explanation, not merely more titles and positions. They did not vote for an ever-expanding political payroll; they voted for leadership, restraint and clarity of purpose – all of which now appear to be in short supply.
For the uninitiated, an assistant minister in Sabah earns a basic salary of more than RM17,000 a month. Once allowances, perks and other benefits are factored in – along with an office, an official car, a driver and supporting staff – the actual cost per assistant minister can easily reach an estimated RM50,000 a month. (This figure is the author’s personal estimate.)
With 18 assistant ministers now in place, the Sabah Government is effectively spending close to RM11 million annually merely to sustain these positions.
The more fundamental question, however, is not the cost, but the value.
How competent are these assistant ministers? Do they even have clearly defined roles, measurable deliverables or accountability for outcomes?
Based on Sabah’s own experience, it is difficult to point to a single assistant minister who has made a meaningful or lasting contribution to the state that justifies such expenditure.
If public office is meant to serve the people, taxpayers are entitled to ask: are these positions about governance, or merely political accommodation?
This brings us back to the central question: why does the Chief Minister persist in appointing more assistant ministers to an already bloated Cabinet?
Is this being done, as some have suggested, in the name of “political stability” – a euphemism often used to justify political accommodation – or simply to ensure that Hajiji is able to serve out a full five-year term in what is widely seen as his final stint as Chief Minister? He has himself stated that this would be his last term in political office.
It is also worth noting that while the size of the Sabah Cabinet is constrained by limits on full ministers, no such restriction exists for assistant ministers, making their appointment a convenient political tool.
Sabahans should not be blamed for their scepticism – they are not politically naïve. They, too, want stable government, but if this is what passes for political stability, it is a deeply troubling definition.
Stability that relies on multiplying positions, expanding patronage and inflating the cost of governance is not stability at all; it is merely a postponement.
Ultimately, Sabahans are entitled to ask: how many more assistant ministers must be appointed before genuine governance begins? And at what point does political survival give way to responsibility, restraint and results?
In the end, the Chief Minister owes Sabahans a clear and convincing explanation, for effective governance must be grounded not only in numbers, but in principle and public trust.
The views expressed here are those of the columnist and do not necessarily represent the views of Sarawak Tribune.
